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Economic Justice News
Vol. 7, No. 3 September, 2004

World Bank Backs Big Oil
-- Refuses to Implement Recommendations of Extractive Industries Review
by Nadia Martinez
Sustainable Energy & Economy Network (SEEN) / Institute for Policy Studies
World Bank Backs Big Oil
Refuses to Implement Recommendations of Extractive Industries Review

By Nadia Martinez
Sustainable Energy & Economy Network (SEEN) / Institute for Policy Studies

The World Bank has declared itself to be more concerned with the needs of
oil companies than the impoverished people it officially serves, by ignoring
most of the recommendations of a path-breaking report that the lender itself
commissioned over three years ago.

After spending millions of dollars having an independent team of experts
evaluate the effects of its energy lending, the bank brushed off most of the
final report’s conclusions. By doing this, the lender has failed to distinguish its
goals and standards from the likes of Halliburton, ExxonMobil, Shell and other
profit-driven institutions. U.S. taxpayers’ contributions to the World Bank are
supposed to constitute international development assistance, not corporate
handouts.

After years of civil society pressure to make the World Bank accountable for
the impacts of its investments, World Bank President James Wolfensohn
pledged in Prague in 2000 to undertake a review of the World Bank’s support
for the extractive industries (oil, gas and mining). He said the review would be
similar to the World Commission on Dams (WCD), an independent evaluation
process that was taking place at that time. His announcement came before
the final WCD recommendations were released – which, as we now know, the
World Bank did not implement. For groups that had been working on these
issues for years, and for those directly affected by World Bank extractive
projects, the launching of this review was seen as a positive step.

Initially, civil society groups wanted the Extractive Industries Review (EIR), to
mirror the WCD, which was seen as an independent and objective body that
was not bank-controlled. However, World Bank staff resisted, claimed that
they were not represented enough in the WCD, and implied that this was a
factor in the Bank’s failure to implement its recommendations. Bank staff
argued that if they were involved in designing the process there would be a
higher chance that they would take the results seriously.

For the EIR, the Bank promoted an “eminent person” model that essentially
put all the power in the hands of one person. Wolfensohn appointed Dr. Emil
Salim, a former Environment Minister from Indonesia, who served under
Suharto’s dictatorship, to lead the review. Dr. Salim was also on the board of
Indonesia’s largest coal company. With those credentials, most of the
environmentalists, faith-based groups, development advocates and human
rights activists who had demanded this assessment were pessimistic about
ever seeing the Bank change its ways.

Throughout the EIR process, the basic civil society strategy was to use all the
tools available to change the playing field. We sent joint letters to the World
Bank, to Dr. Salim and to the press when we felt that the process was being
undermined. We formed strong North/South alliances, and organized sign-on
letters, strong press outreach, informal lunches and formal dinners. We took
every step in large diverse coalitions that included environmental groups,
human rights organizations, faith-based groups, labor, development NGOs,
indigenous groups and others. We even threatened to abandon the process
when our voices were not being respected.

The EIR plan was to hold a series of consultations with civil society, industry,
and governments in the various regions around the world where the World
Bank has invested in extractive industries, and draft recommendations based
on those consultations.

During the consultations, civil society representatives, especially those from
affected communities and indigenous people gave testimonials and
presented evidence that World Bank-sponsored oil, gas, and coal projects
have not helped them.

In the end, to every observer’s surprise, the EIR concluded in January 2004
that World Bank support for fossil fuel and other mining projects simply
doesn’t alleviate poverty. The report calls for the World Bank to cease all
lending for oil by 2008 and continue its moratorium on lending for coal. The
report recommends that the Bank increase lending to renewable energy by
20% annually and become a leader in clean energy development globally.
The report emphasizes other important environmental protections and
improved governance mechanisms that the Bank should follow.

The EIR also prioritized social protections, especially for those directly
affected by extractive projects. It calls for free prior and informed consent for
indigenous peoples, a key demand of indigenous rights groups all over the
world. Free prior and informed consent enables indigenous and other
affected communities to have a voice in any development plans within their
traditional territories. Although often mischaracterized as a right of veto, free
prior and informed consent may result in a positive as well as a negative
decision on particular projects and policies. International law already
recognizes this right, particularly under the International Labor Organization’s
Convention 169, which states that not only do indigenous people have the
right to decide their development path, but that they have the right to benefit
directly from economic activities taking place within their territories.

In terms of the movement as a whole, the EIR had some interesting results as
well. Civil society groups are much better organized and unified now than two
years ago around sustainable development issues, and are better able to
launch a more effective external campaign than two years ago. Indigenous
rights groups, particularly, can claim an important victory, since the EIR
specifically recognized the right of indigenous communities to free prior and
informed consent. Placing the issue directly in the center of the development
debate opened a political space that may not have existed before to continue
demanding this basic right.

The bank, which might have expected a different outcome, initially sat on the
report for months. In early August 2004, the bank’s board of directors finally
discussed the EIR.

Unfortunately, the World Bank’s management and board of directors opted to
merely endorse minimal commitments to change the way the Bank does
business. For example, while they pledged to increase renewable energy
financing by 20 percent annually, the baseline the lender is using is so low
that the target for renewable support in 2005 is lower than the bank’s loans for
renewables in 1994. Currently fossil fuel financing at the World Bank exceeds
renewable lending by a factor of 17 to 1.

On the issue of free prior and informed consent for indigenous people and
affected communities, the official World Bank response to the EIR modified
the term “consent” to “consultation”, which signifies no new commitment by
the Bank on this extremely important issue.

Although the World Bank is a taxpayer-funded institution whose mission is to
help the poorest people on the planet, it is putting the interests of oil
companies based in rich countries ahead of the needs the world’s poor.

Twelve years have passed since the World Bank and most of the nations in
the world committed to help reduce greenhouse gas emissions at the Rio
Earth Summit. Yet the Bank remains one of the biggest catalysts of fossil fuel
extraction in the developing world, and nothing that the Board did in response
to the Extractive Industries Review will reverse that trend.

The World Bank’s rationale for continuing to subsidize oil companies is that
people in developing countries need energy. However, the Institute for Policy
Studies’ research demonstrates that 82 percent of the Bank’s oil extraction
projects wind up supplying consumers in the United States and Europe. One
can assume that developing country debt to the World Bank and IMF plays a
significant role in the export of oil from energy-poor countries to wealthy
northern countries. The Institute has also calculated that the largest number
of procurement contracts for World Bank fossil fuel extractive projects go to
Halliburton, Shell, ChevronTexaco, Total, and ExxonMobil, in that order, and
the list continues with additional corporate behemoths from rich countries.

Another rationale the World Bank offers is that its involvement in these highly
destructive projects makes them more environmentally sound and less prone
to corruption.

In reality, many of the bank’s projects are riddled with these kinds of
problems. For example, the President of Chad used part of the first proceeds
from the World Bank-supported Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline on military
weapons. Then, ironically, the President's brother-in-law was appointed to
the committee that will oversee management of the project’s revenues.

The Extractive Industries Review proved that oil companies’ profits don’t
trickle down to the people the Bank is supposed to serve. The World Bank has
missed a golden opportunity to bring its lending more in line with its stated
mission. The results might suggest to some that its stated mission diverges
from a less explicit but more powerful mission: to insure profits for Northern-
based multinational corporations and continued repayment of developing
country debt to northern financial institutions.

The question for civil society now is how to proceed, given this new reality.
Some will continue to work with the Bank to ensure that some of the
commitments they made, however minimal, are implemented fully. Others
may use this opportunity to call for a strengthened effort around the World
Bank Bonds Boycott campaign or will devise new ways of challenging the
bank and other so-called development institutions, to ensure that we achieve
that other world that we know is possible. With or without the World Bank’s
involvement, energy systems based on fossil fuels will eventually become
obsolete. The only question is how soon, and how much damage will be
endured — particularly by the poorest -- in the meantime.

For more information on the EIR, see www.eireview.info
For more information on the international oil industry and its intersection with
the international financial institutions, see SEEN’s website, www.seen.org
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